Pepe Escobar – telegraph.ph July 16, 2026

Let’s start with four key variables at work in this increasingly dangerous crossroads.

One. The Majlis – the Iranian Parliament – met on Tuesday night, at the start of the new Mojtaba era, which started last Friday after the final burial rites of former, assassinated Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei in Mashhad. The 290 members unanimously passed two resolutions.

The first one demands the government – under President Pezeshkian – to “accelerate nuclear capabilities”. That may be interpreted either as driving up uranium enrichment, or something way more groundbreaking.

The second resolution rejects any (italics mine) compromise with the US on previously agreed terms. Translation: even if there would be a renewed memorandum of understanding (MoU), de facto blown up by the President of the United States straight out of the NATO summit in Ankara, the terms would be much harsher for the US.

Two. The Iran-Pakistan-Qatar channel.

Earlier this week Islamabad and Doha have resumed intense consultations – one might even brand them as frantic – trying to reopen direct talks with Tehran this coming Sunday.

That’s a Sisyphean task, because it would have to take place in sharp contrast with heavy American bombing of Iranian targets – including civilian infrastructure – and the motto echoed by millions in the streets of Iran last week: “Revenge”.

The diplomacy though is real. Yet it has been demoted by the mediators from “path to settlement” to “prevention of catastrophe.”

Three. The Trump-Munir backchannel.

Mediators at the sorry remnants of the negotiating table confirm that Trump continues to place direct calls to Pakistan’s Field Marshal Asim Munir, pressing him to find an off-ramp that avoids personal humiliation.

That completely voids trademark vociferations by POTUS – always dominating the news cycle – that Iran is begging to do a deal. Reality is exactly the opposite. Munir, incidentally, is the Last Chance Saloon for Trump when it comes to an off-ramp.

Four. The Iranian military response to US bombing.

That includes, crucially, precision cluster munitions devastating US bases in Kuwait, Bahrain and Jordan.

The overwhelming majority of the real damage is not being reported publicly. From Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar to the Command and Control Center in Jordan; to erased Patriot missile systems in Kuwait to Al Dhafra Air Base in the UAE; from wiping out MQ-9 drone hangars and HIMARS launchers and ammo depots to obliterated refueling platforms in Oman’s Duqm port.

That one was a banger: Duqm is on Arabian Sea coast, outside of the Strait of Hormuz. That’s where American ships dock without entering the Persian Gulf, refuel, and receive repair and supply services: a key node of the operational rear of the US fleet deployed in the northern Indian Ocean.

Where is Mojtaba Khamenei at?

Once again: even if there would be a path towards an MoU 2.0, at the very first meeting Tehran would make it crystal clear: Washington must implement paragraph 1 of the MoU (on the end of all wars). Without that, no talks. Meanwhile, with or without a Trump Blockade 2.0, Tehran will keep the Strait of Hormuz heavily restricted: transit is only possible via the IRGC Navy channels off Larak island.

Now for The Mojtaba Enigma.

The security architecture of West Asia has not merely shifted. It has fractured and reset. The terms of the reset are being dictated from Tehran – which on top of it holds escalation dominance across the Persian Gulf.

The 14-point MoU spells out Iran setting the terms – and the mediators/negotiators know it. They are scrambling like mad to keep even a flimsy indirect talking channel alive.

New Leader Mojtaba Khamenei enjoys overwhelming national consensus. Since last Friday, as the Leader of a new era, he de facto rules via written directives.

An influential member of the Majlis, Mahmoud Nabavian, has already read some of Mojtaba’s internal letters on Iranian state TV – where he opposes any nuclear concessions; demands US compensation; and insists on exclusive Iranian control of the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran is simply not going to be forced back to the table – whatever arguments deployed by mediators and armchair outsiders. The widespread chants of mourners over six days, from Tehran and Qom to Mashhad, day and night, called for “Revenge”. And Mojtaba reiterated that very point in his written statement.

The religious and strategic narrative shaping the new era of the Islamic Republic of Iran deeply embeds the death of Ayatollah Khamenei within the foundational narrative of Shi’ite political identity – metastasizing an assassination by a foreign power into a sacred act of sacrifice.

And “revenge” here assumes a transcendental connotation. Mojtaba has not portrayed “revenge” as a political choice or a matter of state policy. He has defined it as the will of the nation.  And, most of all, as an atemporal, divine mission.

So History will decide when “revenge” is accomplished. Mojtaba framed it as not depending on himself personally, or on any state body or functionary: “free people around the world” will each carry out part of this sacred mission.

As a statement of political theology in the post-modern era, this is in a class by itself.

Narcissus drowning in its own spin

Meanwhile, Ghalibaf and Araghchi’s negotiating track and Vahidi’s IRGC military command and control track will continue to coexist inside the government led by President Pezeshkian. These are in fact two vectors of the same process. All the spin about internal “fractures” is – what else – American spin.

Now let’s talk about the spinners. It’s public knowledge that the Zionist Washington-New York-Tel Aviv axis is breaking their backs to keep the US locked and loaded into Totaler Krieg (“Total War”) mode.

That’s how every move by Tehran – always defensive – is portrayed as a casus belli. And an off-ramp such as the MoU is debased as “appeasement.” The Totaler Krieg mentality assures a perpetual escalation ladder. And it does offer Tehran the justification for any response – be it the closure of the Strait of Hormuz or the possibility of a NPT withdrawal. And that reinforces Zionist hawks to press for – what else – more war.

This infernal machine, a self-trapping cycle, ultimately benefits Iran – because Iran only needs the cycle to continue. Every twist and turn converts American imperial devastation methods into accrued Iranian legitimacy – domestically and across most of the Global South.

Trump is in total Narcissus Drowned territory, facing a series of intolerable imperatives: a closed Strait of Hormuz, inevitably spiking oil prices when the Strategic Petroleum Reserves (SPR) hit red alert; Iran’s possible NPT withdrawal.

It’s important to remember that the 60-day MoU clock expires in mid-August – only a month from now. A final deal must be struck by then or the whole framework lapses.

Once again, for the record: for Tehran the original 14-point MoU is the only game in town. There will be no (italics mine) renegotiation; only implementation of its sequencing. Tehran always has to make this crystal clear – because the Americans still don’t get. Tehran has already won the war’s central question: the Strait of Hormuz. That was never about the nuclear dossier.  Washington will have to ratify this reality.

Well, that will be nearly impossible. Scenarios ahead look gloomy.

“Managed de-escalation” now looks like a mirage in the desert.

Same for a frozen stalemate – where talks continue; no deal; sporadic tanker incidents; shipping stays at ⅓–⅕ of pre-war levels.

As it stands, all vectors point instead to vertical escalation: total Hormuz closure; the imminent, hardcore US strike wave; Iran responding by withdrawing from the NPT.

For all practical purposes, Trump isn’t negotiating with Iran. He’s desperately trying to reverse a massive strategic defeat.

The “ceasefire” was always a timeout to recover lost leverage. Trump wanted surrender, total capitulation, regime change, Iran as a neo-colony. He got a MoU that he does not understand, and may not even have read, although he signed it, with much pomp, in Versailles. He doesn’t even understand that the document he signed does not allocate decision making on the Strait of Hormuz between Iran and Oman: only to Iran.

That’s why he is trying to rewrite what he signed without admitting it – by deploying the escalation ladder; hardcore coercion disguised as diplomacy; forcing Tehran to surrender its leverage; and going full psycho, threatening next week to strike all of Iran’s power plants, bridges and energy sites.

Technically, Iran held up every end of the MoU they signed. It was the US – and these are only a few examples – that refused to release Iran’s frozen assets; imposed new sanctions (direct violation of Article 9); shred the oil sanction waivers (direct violation of Article 10); resumed the war (direct violation of Article 1).

History will eventually treat this as a case study on how to run a war clock. Tehran is deliberately holding back against Washington because time – and the oil markets – are on its side. The SPR will be depleted in less than a month, and Iran’s leverage in the Strait of Hormuz is total.

Only a civilization-state, accustomed to dealing with all sorts of historical variables, is capable of playing a much longer game than a brutal imperial machine, conserving essential firepower while draining what remains of the imperial strategic buffer.

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