{"id":203002,"date":"2020-02-26T06:06:53","date_gmt":"2020-02-26T06:06:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/?p=203002"},"modified":"2020-02-29T06:50:41","modified_gmt":"2020-02-29T06:50:41","slug":"the-british-governments-covert-propaganda-campaign-in-syria","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/?p=203002","title":{"rendered":"The British government\u2019s covert propaganda campaign in Syria"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ian Cobain, Alice Ross \u2013 Middle East Eye Feb 19, 2020<\/h1>\n
\"\"<\/a>

Anti-government protesters in Aleppo’s Bustan al-Qasr neighbourhood in 2013. British objectives in Syria included ‘promotion of the moderate values of the revolution’ (AFP)<\/p><\/div>\n

The British government covertly established a network of citizen journalists across Syria during the early years of the country\u2019s civil war in an attempt to shape perceptions of the conflict, frequently recruiting people who were unaware that they were being directed from London.<\/span><\/p>\n

A number of leaked documents seen by Middle East Eye show how the propaganda initiative began in 2012 and gathered pace the following year, shortly after the UK parliament refused to authorise British military action in Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n

Drawing upon British, American and Canadian funding, UK government contractors set up offices in\u00a0Istanbul and Amman, where they hired members of the Syrian diaspora, who in turn recruited citizen journalists inside Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n

These journalists, many of them young, were commissioned to produce TV footage, radio programmes, social media, posters, magazines and even children\u2019s comics.<\/span><\/p>\n

While many Syrians turned spontaneously to media activism from the start of the war, the documents describe the way in which the British government sought to guide some of their output, seeing citizen journalism as a way of covertly influencing Syrian audiences.<\/span><\/p>\n

The papers also make clear that those people who were recruited were often unaware that they were part of a British propaganda initiative.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Some of those who were recruited have defended their involvement, however, saying that they were reliant on western support in their efforts to counter pro-government reporting in Syrian state media, and in Iranian and Russian-backed media.<\/span><\/p>\n

At a time when the last opposition-held\u00a0enclave\u00a0in\u00a0Idlib province\u00a0is under assault by pro-government\u00a0forces, they questioned whether western countries could have contributed\u00a0more material support to moderate rebels.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some Syrian journalists complained that western\u00a0support for their work was decreasing\u00a0even as it was most needed, after Russia’s entry into the war in 2015 tipped the balance in favour of President Bashar al-Assad.<\/span><\/p>\n

The documents were drawn up as blueprints for the initiative by an anthropologist working in counter-terrorism at the foreign office in London. They were issued in late 2014 to a small number of communications companies that were invited to\u00a0bid for three contracts to deliver the work.<\/span><\/p>\n

One\u00a0says: \u201cThe objective of the project is contribute [sic] towards positive attitudinal and behavioural change.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

This was further defined as: \u201cReinforcement of popular rejection of the Assad regime and extremist alternatives; promotion of the moderate values of the revolution; promotion of Syrian national identity.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The documents show that the over-arching aim of the citizen journalism project – and a series of interlinked British propaganda initiatives – was to promote the UK\u2019s strategic interests in Syria and the Middle East.<\/span><\/p>\n

These are defined in the leaked papers as \u201ca more stable and democratic Syria that better meets the needs and aspirations of its people\u201d, support for a political solution to the conflict, the alleviation of humanitarian suffering, and enhanced UK security.<\/span><\/p>\n

As well as developing grassroots journalism aligned with British government values, the UK and other western governments were at the same time attempting to build civil society in areas controlled by some of Assad\u2019s opponents, financing and training police forces and civil defence teams.<\/span><\/p>\n

The anthropologist\u2019s blueprint makes clear that this was being done not just to help maintain law and order and provide humanitarian assistance, but \u201cto build confidence in a future Syria free from extremist rule\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, the documents acknowledge the risks to the young journalists who had unwittingly been co-opted by the British government.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cMedia coverage of the project will be distinctly unwelcome due to the risks to Syrian employees and to project effectiveness that it would generate,\u201d says one.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe implementer is not permitted to speak publicly (to the media or at academic conferences) about their work without the explicit permission of HMG [Her Majesty\u2019s Government]. This will be enforced by a Non Disclosure Agreement.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

A number of young Syrian citizen journalists were detained and murdered by the Islamic State (IS) group after it began capturing territory in the country in 2015.<\/span><\/p>\n

The group frequently denounced its victims as western \u201cspies\u201d, and some Syrian citizen journalists were pursued across the border to Turkey and killed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Whilst many\u00a0of the victims were not thought to be involved in British-sponsored projects, MEE is aware of two who were.<\/span><\/p>\n

Three-pronged campaign<\/h2>\n

The British government\u2019s citizen journalism project was part of a three-pronged propaganda initiative that was developed in London and was, according to the documents, intended to \u201chave a synergistic effect\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first strand, named Syrian Identity, sought to \u201cunite Syrians through positive affirmation of common cultures and practices and to restore trust between neighbours, while illustrating Syrians\u2019 strength in numbers,\u201d according to the blueprint.<\/span><\/p>\n

The documents explain that the second strand, called Free Syria, \u201cseeks to build confidence in a future Syria free from extremist rule”.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

It “amplifies the work of the \u2018free\u2019 police, civil defence teams and wider public service provision and broader developments in civil society and seeks to unite the moderate opposition (civil and armed) to work for a common future\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

The third, known as Undermine, \u201cseeks to degrade the effectiveness of VE [violent extremist] networks in Syria by undermining the credibility of VE narratives and actors and isolating VE organisations from the populace.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The document goes on, using a different acronym for IS: \u201cISIL is an explicit and named focus, Al Nusra Front (due to its current popularity within Syria) is addressed indirectly through its behaviour.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe purpose of the project to directly \u2018Undermine\u2019 (degrading the effectiveness of) VE networks in Syria through the delivery of media product, the emboldening and empowering of moderate voices, and supporting community coalescence around a vision of a tolerant, pluralist Syria. Ultimately, active Syrian rejection of VE is the requirement.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The documents add that the research underpinning the initiative \u201cwill need to be able to draw upon open source material, jihadist discourse and, in particular, a network of assets inside Syria\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Military intelligence officers<\/h2>\n

Individuals familiar with the project say that around nine companies were invited to bid for the contracts. They included a number of firms established by former British diplomats, intelligence officers and army officers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although the contracts were awarded by the UK\u2019s foreign office, they were managed by the country\u2019s Ministry of Defence, and sometimes by military intelligence officers.<\/span><\/p>\n

These companies set up offices in Amman, Istanbul and, for a period, at Reyhanli in southeast Turkey. From here they would employ Syrians who would in turn recruit citizen journalists inside Syria, who were under the impression that they were working for the media offices of Syrian opposition groups.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIt was a shady, shady business,\u201d says one person involved in the work, adding that frequently the individual journalist would believe they were working for an opposition group, and have no idea that a British communications company was running their media office, under contract to the UK government.<\/span><\/p>\n

A second person involved with the initiative added that if you hired Syrians \u201cto pump out propaganda, inside Syria and outside\u201d, attributing their work in any way to the British government would have undermined its effectiveness.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Many of these citizen journalists would be using equipment that they believed was being supplied by opposition groups but which had in fact been bought using funds supplied by the UK government as part of the contract.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some would be paid a retainer of between $250-$500 a month, while others were paid for individual pieces of media \u2013 around $50 for each picture or $200 for a short piece of video.<\/span><\/p>\n

These would then be distributed to Arabic language media organisations, through what purported to be the press offices of Syrian opposition groups.<\/span><\/p>\n

Favoured video clips might be film of fighters from the moderate opposition handing out food, or using sophisticated weaponry to good effect.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThen that would go to Sky News Arabia, BBC Arabic, Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, those sort of outlets,\u201d said one person involved.<\/span><\/p>\n

Whenever British government officials wished to discuss the work, meetings would be held away from the newly established offices, to avoid contact with the locally hired Syrians.<\/span><\/p>\n

British staff running the offices would also be expected to prepare reports on their meetings with Syrians, which would be passed back to the foreign office.<\/span><\/p>\n

Opposition social media accounts<\/h2>\n

Meanwhile, other leaked documents seen by MEE show that the British government had awarded contracts to communications companies, which selected and trained opposition spokespeople,\u00a0ran press offices that operated 24 hours a day, and developed opposition social media accounts.<\/span><\/p>\n

British staff running these offices were told that their Syrian employees were permitted to talk to British journalists \u2013 as spokespeople for the Syrian opposition – but only after receiving clearance from officials at the British consulate in Istanbul.<\/span><\/p>\n

One of the responsibilities of the press offices set up covertly by the British government under the terms of these contracts\u00a0was to \u201cmaintain an effective network of correspondents\/stringers inside Syria to report on MAO [moderate armed opposition] activity\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this way, the British government was able to exert behind-the-scenes influence over conversations that the UK media was having with individuals who presented themselves as Syrian opposition representatives.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

People involved with the operation say that some prominent British journalists visiting Istanbul would be introduced to Syrians acting as opposition spokespeople, who had been prepared for the encounter by British handlers.<\/span><\/p>\n

They say they would brief the Syrians before the meeting, and avoid any face-to-face contact with the visiting journalists themselves.<\/span><\/p>\n

The propaganda initiative was primarily aimed at Syrians, living both inside and outside Syria. The blueprint explains that \u201cradicalised UK citizens are not an explicit focus (target audience) for this work,\u201d adding: \u201cThose efforts are the responsibility of another government department.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

It adds: \u201cNevertheless, it is accepted that some C-VE [countering violent extremist] material may reach the UK information space.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Furthermore, UK audiences could on occasion be \u201ca specified target\u201d of some media being produced as part of the initiative, with the permission of British officials in Istanbul.<\/span><\/p>\n

The different strands of the propaganda programme were evaluated by a scientist from the UK\u2019s Ministry of Defence, looking for evidence of \u201cbehavioural and attitudinal change\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

The companies bidding for the contracts were told: \u201cBehavioural changes linked\u2026 to campaign activity will be especially highly valued.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

During 2015, Free Syria, Syrian Identity and Undermine were funded in both British pounds and Canadian dollars, with the equivalent of around \u00a3410,000 ($540,000) being spent each month.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some Syrians who became involved in the programme say that the money they received was the only means by which they could hope to support their families. “I have a wife and family,” said one. “We need support in order to be able to live. Is there an independent media outlet in this world?”<\/span><\/p>\n

The British government appears to have regarded its propaganda initiative as being in part a way to maintain a presence in Syria until it was able to become militarily engaged, with the blueprint saying that it should have \u201cthe capability to expand back into the strategic as and when the opportunity arises, to help build an effective opposition political-military interface\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Around the same time that the initiative was being developed, the British government \u201cloaned\u201d a number of its pilots<\/strong><\/span><\/a> to the US, French and Canadian air forces, enabling them to take part in combat missions against Syrian targets, despite the country\u2019s parliament having voted against such action.<\/span><\/p>\n

British government enthusiasm for much of the work appears to have begun to wane as it became increasingly clear that the Assad government and its Russian and Iranian allies were winning the civil war, and funding for contracts began to dry up.<\/span><\/p>\n

Early in 2019, the Free Syrian Police, a British-backed organisation, finally ceased operations<\/a><\/strong><\/span> following a militant takeover of Idlib province, much to the dismay of civilians and civil society activists.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Turkish government is also said to have become less tolerant of the propaganda initiatives being co-ordinated from its territory.<\/span><\/p>\n

One British contractor is understood to have been expelled after the Turkish authorities discovered she had entered the country on a tourist visa.<\/span><\/p>\n

Source <\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Leaked documents reveal how the UK government covertly used journalists, who were often unaware they were being used, in an attempt to oust President Assad <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":39262,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[42,83],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-203002","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-controlling-the-news-andor-the-free-exchange-of-ideas-and-information","category-syria"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/203002","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/39262"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=203002"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/203002\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":203012,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/203002\/revisions\/203012"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=203002"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=203002"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetruthseeker.co.uk\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=203002"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}