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<\/a>On 2 July 2012, Jeffrey Feltman, ex-assistant to Hillary Clinton, became the number 2 of the United Nations. He swore his oath on the UN Charter before the then Secretary General, the extremely corrupt Ban Ki-moon.<\/p><\/div>\n
In October 2017, the UN under-secretary for Political Affairs, Jeffrey Feltman, secretly drew up a list of instructions for all UN agencies about the attitude they should adopt concerning the conflict in Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n None of the member-States of the Organisation, not even the members of the Security Council, were informed of the existence of these instructions. At least, not until the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sergue\u00ef Lavrov, revealed them on 20 August last\u00a0[1<\/a><\/strong><\/span>].<\/span><\/p>\n We have just acquired a copy of the list\u00a0[2<\/a><\/strong><\/span>].<\/span><\/p>\n This document betrays the United Nations Charter\u00a0[3<\/a><\/strong><\/span>] by inverting its priorities. While the UN\u2019s main objective is to \u00ab maintain peace and international security \u00bb, Feltman\u2019s instructions place the \u00ab respect for human rights \u00bb above this goal. In this way, those rights become an instrument which work against peace.<\/span><\/p>\n The expression \u00ab human rights \u00bb existed well before it was given a legal definition (in other words before it became opposable in court). In the 19th century, the British Minister for Foreign Affairs made frequent use of the phrase in order to justify certain of its wars. It was in order to defend the populations, he declared, that he was ready to wage war against the Ottoman Empire. In reality, it was nothing other than a clash between the British Empire and the Sublime Porte. The People who had allegedly been \u00ab liberated \u00bb by London were never made more comfortable under this master than any other. In the 20th century, the term \u00ab human rights \u00bb was first of all the trademark of the \u00ab no frontiers \u00bb NGO\u2019s, and then the slogan of the Trotskyists allied with CIA, the neo-conservatives.<\/span><\/p>\n Although the UN Charter uses the expression \u00ab human rights \u00bb six times, it does not make it an ideal in itself. Respect for these rights can only exist in times of peace. Do we need reminding that war is a period of trauma during which individual rights are shattered? It is a terrible situation where, in order to save a People, we have to accept that some of them will be forfeit.<\/span><\/p>\n This is why we make a distinction between the police and the army. The police protect individual rights, while the army protects collective rights. The police must respect \u00ab human rights \u00bb, while the army can ignore them. It seems that our contemporaries, imprisoned by their comforts, have lost the sense of these elementary distinctions.<\/span><\/p>\n If \u00ab human rights-ism \u00bb was initially a mask for territorial conquest taken to the extreme, it has become the ideology of the destruction of national state structures. For our rights to be respected, we have to be \u00ab citizens of the world \u00bb and accept an \u00ab open society \u00bb, \u00ab without frontiers \u00bb, administrated by a \u00ab world government \u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n This is to scorn the history and culture of each of these \u00ab citizens of the world \u00bb, and impose on them what seems to be best for us\u2026 and therefore for them.<\/span><\/p>\n In this new document by Jeffrey Feltman, \u00ab human rights \u00bb are once again a pretext. This personality participated in the government of Iraq by a private company designed on the model of the East India Company<\/em>, the badly-named Coalition Provisional Authority<\/em>\u00a0[4<\/a><\/strong><\/span>], thus showing how little respect he had for the rights of the Iraqis. He expressed his true goal for Syria in a series of documents known as the \u00ab Feltman Plan \u00bb\u00a0[<\/strong><\/span>5<\/a>]. In these documents, he proposes to cancel the sovereignty of the Syrian People and install a foreign government, just as he did in Iraq.<\/span><\/p>\n Self-assured, he writes – \u00ab The Plan for humanitarian action must remain humanitarian in order to guarantee that the UNO will be able to bring to a successful conclusion the essential humanitarian activities necessary for saving lives and guaranteeing the essential needs of the populations. Apart from that, development or reconstruction activities should be reflected in other contexts which, by their nature, will involve longer periods of negotiation with the governments. This is essential, given the complex legal and political questions in play \u00bb. In other words, feed the refugees, but do not fight the starvation which is wasting them \u2013 it should remain an argument we could use in our negotiations with the Syrian state.<\/span><\/p>\n The Jordanians, the Lebanese, the Turks and the Europeans will be surprised to read – \u00ab The UNO does not favour the return of refugees or displaced people, but will support the repatriated with a view to guarantee the safe, dignified, informed, voluntary and durable character of return and reintegration, as well as the rights of Syrians to seek asylum \u00bb. Borrowing from the theory of Professor Kelly Greenhill\u00a0[6<\/a><\/strong><\/span>], Feltman does not want to help the exiles to return to their homes but intends to use their exodus in order to weaken their country.<\/span><\/p>\n \u00ab UN assistance must not help those who have committed war crimes or crimes against humanity \u00bb, he specifies, forbidding, as a conservative measure, all aid to any power at all.<\/span><\/p>\n He states – \u00ab It is only when a true and inclusive political transition has been negotiated by the parties concerned that the UNO will be prepared to facilitate reconstruction \u00bb. We are a long way from the ideal of the Charter.<\/span><\/p>\n Thierry Meyssan<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n Translation<\/span> [1<\/a>] \u201cSergey Lavrov news conference with Gebran Bassil<\/a>\u201d, by Sergey Lavrov, Voltaire Network<\/em>, 20 August 2018.<\/span><\/p>\n [2<\/a>] \u201cParameters and Principles of UN assistance in Syria<\/a>\u201d, by Jeffrey D. Feltman, Voltaire Network<\/em>, 3 September 2018.<\/span><\/p>\n [3<\/a>] \u201cCharter of the United Nations, ratified on 26 june 1945<\/a>\u201d, Voltaire Network<\/em>, 26 June 1945.<\/span><\/p>\n [4<\/a>] \u201cWho Rules Iraq?<\/a>\u201d, by Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network<\/em>, 13 May 2004.<\/span><\/p>\n [5<\/a>] \u201cDraft Geneva Communique Implementation Framework\u201d, \u201cConfidence Building Measures\u201d, \u201cEssential Principles\u201d, \u201cRepresentativeness and Inclusivity\u201d, \u201cThe Preparatory Phase\u201d, \u201cThe Transitional Governing Body\u201d, \u201cThe Joint Military Council and Ceasefire Bodies\u201d, \u201cThe Invitation to the International Community to Help Combat Terrorist Organizations\u201d, \u201cThe Syrian National Council and Legislative Powers during the Transition\u201d, \u201cTransitional Justice\u201d, \u201cLocal Governance\u201d, \u201cPreservation and Reform of State Institutions\u201d, \u201cExplanatory Memorandum\u201d, \u201cKey Principles revealed during Consultations with Syrian Stake-holders\u201d, \u201cThematic Groups\u201d (unpublished). \u201cGermany and the UNO against Syria<\/a>\u201d, by Thierry Meyssan, Translation Pete Kimberley, Al-Watan<\/em> (Syria<\/span>) , Voltaire Network<\/em>, 28 January 2016.<\/span><\/p>\n [6<\/a>] \u201cStrategic Engineered Migration as a Weapon of War<\/a>\u201d, Kelly M. Greenhill, Civil War Journal<\/em>, Volume 10, Issue 1, July 2008<\/span><\/p>\n
\n Pete Kimberley<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n