Roland “Tony” Carnaby, the one-time CIA station chief for the Southeast Region slain by Houston police on April 29, was an advocate of increasing “HUMINT” resources in and around the sprawling Houston port complex, from Houston to Galveston. Houston is the largest port in the United States for foreign tonnage.
Carnaby had in his possession the morning of April 29 information that someone wanted and wanted badly enough to order the Houston police to treat the well-known former CIA clandestine agent and president of the local chapter of the Association for Intelligence Officers (AFIO) as a dangerous armed criminal. After an extensive investigation, WMR has learned that those who ordered the “hit” on Carnaby were part of a team, including smugglers tied to the Russian-Israeli mob, who were involved in terrorist planning activities in the greater Houston area.
Carnaby and his intelligence and federal and county law enforcement associates were concerned about the potential for a “9/11-like” false flag attack on either Houston’s port facility, airports, or all of them in and around the Memorial Day and Independence Day weekends.
WMR has learned that at a meeting of tugboat captains last week in Houston, the possibility of an imminent terrorist attack on the Houston port was discussed.
Carnaby’s belief in HUMINT as a determinant of terrorist plans likely caused him to believe that Houston was in imminent danger for an attack. WMR spoke to Carnaby’s intelligence and law enforcement colleagues who share his concerns.
Suspiciously, the Houston police, in violation of US Judge Keith Ellison’s order to preserve all evidence related to Carnaby’s shooting by the Houston police, admitted that it disposed of the evidence. Moreover, after having secured Carnaby’s Blackberry, which is known to contain contact numbers for CIA and other federal agents, as well as their informants, was returned to the custody of the Houston police by Secret Service Special Agent R. Jennings, the reported SAC (Special Agent in Charge) of the Houston office.
Jennings has been accused by Carnaby’s colleagues of cooperating with the very same elements, including individuals connected to Israeli intelligence activities in the Houston area and their well-placed moles inside the Houston Police Department, who wanted access to Carnaby’s contacts and other information. The compromise of Carnaby’s information represents a potentially devastating compromise of national security and are in direct violation of the National Security Act of 1947, according to Carnaby’s colleagues.
It still remains unknown what happened to Carnaby’s Mac laptop computer as well as a number of other cell phones, including an I-Phone and a Bang and Olufsen mobile phone in Carnaby’s possession at the time of his shooting. Carnaby’s colleagues revealed that Carnaby possessed a number of cell phones because some were dedicated to activating video and camera systems placed in strategic locations in and around Houston’s ports and airports and downloading images to his phones and eventually to his laptop. At least three phones in Carnaby’s possession on the morning of April 29 were used to activate cameras and download photos and videos from sites in and around Houston. One mobile phone number was reportedly used for this surveillance activity — 713 208-0000.
On May 16, 2008, WMR reported: “The CIA was concerned that details of Carnaby’s classified and covert work for the CIA in the Port of Houston, as well as his non-official cover Carnaby Shipping Company Ltd. and American Global Enterprise contacts in the United States and Lebanon may have been compromised to Israeli Mossad agents who have infiltrated the Houston Police Department primarily through blackmail techniques. The Israeli Consulate General in Houston is reportedly at the center of the Israeli influence and intelligence ring in the fourth largest city in America and the home to the largest port for imports in the United States.”
The evening before Carnaby was shot, a man approached Carnaby and two friends at Houston’s Capital Grille, a favorite meeting spot for Houston’s business elite. A man, pretending to be inebriated, went up to Carnaby and acted as though he was an old friend. He was carrying an open bag, the type in which “to go” food orders are usually placed. Carnaby reportedly reached for his concealed handgun and told the man he had never seen him or met him before. The man apologized, quickly left the restaurant, and drove off in a car with diplomatic license plates. Carnaby’s associates now believe the man was assigned to the Israeli Consulate General in Houston.
The I-Phone and Mac in Carnaby’s possession were officially owned by American Global Enterprise. Carnaby’s American Global cover firm operated a warehouse in the Houston port area, a reported center from which traffic from the port into Mexico and outbound via the ship channel was monitored. The actual security for the Port of Houston is maintained not by the Houston Police Department but by the Harris County Sheriff. The jurisdictional problems affected Carnaby’s relationship with both agencies. Whereas the Harris County Sheriff’s office was usually cooperative, the Houston Police was generally not as willing to work on increasing the security of the port.
Carnaby’s fear about lax port security was borne out when this editor easily gained access through the main gate into the Port of Houston in a rental car. Although containers in bound and out bound from the port are x-rayed and checked for radioactive materials, the overall security is poor and that prompted Carnaby into calling for a better HUMINT program. However, better HUMINT would also result in the arms, drugs, and auto theft activities of the Russian-Israeli mob, Israeli intelligence assets, and their allies in the pro-Mojahedin e Khalq (MEK) Iranian expatriate community in Houston being identified by federal authorities.
For example, WMR learned from US intelligence and customs agents that the 1998 terrorist bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania had a Houston connections. The terrorist attacks were blamed on Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda. The two trucks used in the two East Africa bombings were stolen vehicles that were shipped from Houston via Guatemala. In addition, the bombs used passed though the same Guatemalan smuggling route. In 1998, Israel’s Mossad and Guatemala’s intelligence services continued to enjoy a close relationship and the Central American nation’s successive military juntas could count on the support of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and other Israeli lobbying organizations in Washington.
Carnaby also had under surveillance a widespread vehicle smuggling ring that operated out of Houston, location of one of the largest vehicle import port facilities in the United States. One of Carnaby’s law enforcement colleagues revealed that a network of body shops in Houston have been used to strip and smuggle stolen vehicles out of the United States, mostly to Mexico. Some of the theft operations operate under cover of “import-export” businesses and one operation has laundered $250 million in proceeds from the vehicle thefts. These illegal enterprises have been linked to Middle East expatriates linked to Israeli intelligence operations, including the Iranian MEK terrorist group and far right Lebanese Phalangists allied with Israel who are supported by the Israeli Lobby in Washington.
One of WMR’s colleagues, German journalist Jurgen Cain Kulbel, has been imprisoned in Berlin for reporting that the UN chief investigator of the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, Detlev Mehlis, was once employed by the Israeli intelligence front organization, Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP). Mehlis steered UN investigators away from the real assassins of Hariri, Israeli intelligence who hired a number of rogue agents from Syrian intelligence, Lebanon’s Druze and Christian Phalangist communities, and Palestinian refugees. Kulbel’s imprisonment is a direct result of pressure from Washington and Jerusalem on the German government.
Some of Carnaby’s associates were also critical of the security contract for the Houston that involved ex-British commando Tim Spicer, whose Aegis Defense Services, the recipient of a number of private military contracts from the Defense Department and the former U.S.-run Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq. Spicer, in 2002, managed to convince Per Christiansen, a retired Norwegian naval officer whose Hudson Maritime won a Homeland Security Department to secure various American ports, including Houston, to bring him on as a partner. Thus was born Hudson Trident (the Trident being Spicer’s interest in the firm). However, Spicer’s work on Houston’s port security was soon criticized by the government, including Carnaby and his associates. Spicer, who had previously received a port security contract in Haiti around the time of the U.S.-sponsored coup against democratically-elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a coup that saw a number of weapons enter Haiti’s ports illegally. Spicer’s lack of performance on the Houston port security contract soon saw him lose out on similar port contracts for Morocco and Chittagong, Bangladesh, according to sources with whom WMR spoke in Houston. A U.S. intelligence source in Houston said, “Spicer fucked up the ship channel contract,” adding, “this guy merely did plausible deniability work for MI6 and MI5,” Britain’s foreign and domestic intelligence services, respectively.
It is clear that a number of Carnaby and his intelligence colleagues are skeptical about the “official version” of 9/11 and fear another such attack, possibly during the upcoming Fourth of July holiday. WMR can also report that a close friend of former President George H. W. Bush has taken a keen and supportive interest in our reports on the Carnaby shooting. Bush is the honorary president of the Houston William Buckley Chapter of AFIO, for which Carnaby served as president at the time of his death. Carnaby was also close to the former President, who has reportedly been outraged at the wanton killing of his friend. Carnaby was also reportedly close to Republican presidential candidate John McCain, who has made no public comment on the death of Carnaby.
Note: It is clear that WMR’s reporting on the Carnaby shooting is irritating certain “quarters,” also known as the “usual suspects” and the “amen corner.” WMR’s contacts with Carnaby’s friends has resulted in a number of other doors on “cold cases” being opened. They extend from Dallas in November 1963, to the fate of the US merchant vessel “SS Poet” in 1980, Mena, Arkansas and Nicaraguan contra drug smuggling in the 1980s, and the back doors used to corrupt the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and North American Defense Command (NORAD) computers and networks on the morning of 9/11. WMR will continue to report on these and other stories regardless of the pressure that is being exerted, mostly not from the right-wing but from the usual “left-wing” gatekeepers and their dubious web sites. The very same gatekeepers who have been keeping the wool over the eyes of the American people, most notably, since the events of 9/11.