I have shown that pentagon hawks and neo cons share a grand strategy that is inimical to the greater good. For which reason their global agenda was, from a political standpoint, virtually unobtainable through functioning democratic institutions. This establishes a powerful motive. But does it follow that they conspired to subvert democracy to achieve their sweeping goals? Were they complicit in 9/11? Or, worse: did they stage the attack? Such a conclusion, of course, would not necessarily follow–––were it not for the incriminating fact that Generals Eberhart and Myers lied to the 9/11 Commission, and to Congress. This is not just my opinion. It was the opinion of various members of the 9/11 Commission. On August 2, 2006 the Washington Post reported that “…staff members and commissioners of the Sept. 11 panel concluded that the pentagon’s initial story of how it reacted to the terrorist attacks may have been part of a deliberate effort to mislead the commission and the public, rather than a reflection of the fog of war. Suspicion of wrongdoing ran so deep that the 10-member commission, in a secret meeting at the end of the tenure in summer 2004, debated referring the matter to the Justice Department for criminal investigation.”40 Thomas H. Kean, panel chairman, told the Post: “We, to this day, don’t know why NORAD told us what they told us. It was just so far from the truth.” John Farmer, another member of the panel, who happened to be a former New Jersey attorney general, described his gut reaction: “I was shocked at how different the truth was from the way it was described.” Unfortunately, the Post story quickly dropped out of the news and was forgotten. Nor is the episode recounted in the 9/11 Commission Report, which goes to great lengths to exonerate the generals of any wrongdoing. Indeed, the final report is a carefully sanitized work of the imagination, with credit going to Philip Zelikow, a Bush insider who stage-managed the 9/11 investigation from start to finish. When Zelikow’s close ties to Condeleeza Rice were revealed in testimony before the commission, the families of the 9/11 victims demanded his resignation, but to no avail. Zelikow and his staff not only controlled the panel’s schedule and agenda, and the flow of information to panel members, they also oversaw the preparation of the final report, hence, made key decisions about what to include and what to leave out.41 We know, additionally, that Zelikow sent the draft report to the White House for a final “proofing.” This was the devil’s bargain finagled in return for Bush’s “cooperation.” For all of these reasons the 9/11 Commission was in no truthful sense an independent body. We should not be surprised that its final product is an impeccably scrubbed rendition of the official 9/11 narrative. This Phil Zelikow dutifully accomplished on behalf of his boss, G.W. Bush, by smoothing over impossible contradictions through the practiced arts of deletion and deception.
The shock of panel members cited above was in reaction to new evidence that came to light, late in the investigation. The evidence was in the form of certain NORAD audio tapes, which for many months the government had refused to hand over. Thanks to a court order, however, the panel eventually obtained the tapes, which revealed serious discrepancies in the generals’ earlier testimony, given in May 2003. It goes without saying that the panel should immediately have subjected these tapes to exhaustive forensic analysis, to authenticate them, that is, to verify that they had not been retouched. The 9/11 report makes no mention of any vetting process, however, and, unfortunately, we must conclude it wasn’t done. This means that the procedures of forensic analysis which are routine in ordinary felony cases of murder and larceny were deemed unnecessary in the case of the greatest crime in US history. Such a glaring departure from procedures usually taken for granted in criminal investigations fatally undermines the 9/11 commission’s final report. Indeed, the omission is so grossly negligent it should have sparked an immediate public outcry. But there was not even a peep. The US media neglected to cover the story. Have we sunk to the level that we will swallow anything?
Based on what we currently know, there is every reason to suspect that the NORAD tapes were doctored before their release. Why would the pentagon do this? Obviously, to effect damage control. As embarrassing as the “new” information on the tapes turned out to be, the truth might have been infinitely more damaging. The pentagon had already changed its story, once. According to the original version of events, as reported by the press on September 11, 2001, NORAD quite simply failed to intercept any of the hijacked planes on 9/11. NORAD failed to put a fighter in the sky to defend the nation’s capital for nearly 90 minutes. Nor did this happen until after the pentagon had been hit. Two days later, General Richard Myers, acting Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, affirmed this version of events in testimony given on Capitol Hill. At which point it became clear that the pentagon had a serious problem on its hands. The facts were not only evidence of incompetence at the highest level, they were suspicious on their face because they smacked of a stand-down; which, if true, was treason. Within days the pentagon amended its story to allay such concerns. According to 9/11 panel member Bob Kerrey, this occurred after NORAD briefed the president on September 17, 2001.42 Kerrey’s point was that the White House instructed the pentagon to cover its tracks.
The following day, on September 18, 2001, the pentagon announced a new 9/11 timeline, essentially blaming the FAA for its failure to inform NORAD about the hijacked planes in a timely manner.43 For this reason–––we were told–––NORAD could not respond effectively on 9/11. This second account stood for three years, but had serious problems of its own. Not the least of which is that the story was improbable. It so happens that scrambling fighters is a frequent and routine practice. If a commercial or private aircraft deviates from its scheduled flight path by as little as two miles, or if there is a loss of radio contact, or if the plane’s transponder stops transmitting, FAA flight controllers will first attempt to contact the pilot and remedy the problem. However, if this fails the FAA is required to contact NORAD for assistance. If there is any doubt, the FAA’s policy is to assume the worst, in other words, an emergency.44 The FAA made 67 such requests of NORAD during one nine-month period alone, from September 2000 to June 2001, and in every single case NORAD responded by scrambling planes, without a hitch.45 That’s an average of about two scrambles a week, more than 100 per year. The procedure, in short, is routine. It’s done all the time.
Why then, the sudden breakdown on 9/11, when for no apparent reason FAA controllers began to behave like a bunch of incompetent morons? Another problem with the pentagon’s account is that it is difficult to reconcile with the high degree of competence and professionalism the FAA otherwise displayed on 9/11, when the agency successfully shut down the entire US air traffic system in about three hours. During this period, FAA officials grounded 4,500 commercial and private aircraft without a single mishap. The feat was unprecedented, and all the more impressive given the conditions of extreme duress on 9/11. As the commission itself admits in its report, the FAA performed “flawlessly.”46 Yet, we are expected to believe this same agency fumbled a simple phone hand-off to NORAD four times in succession on the same morning? Moreover, even if we assume that the pentagon’s version of events was correct, there is an added problem: Arguably there was still sufficient time to intercept three of the four “hijacked” planes, Flight 175 (which hit the south tower), Flight 77 (which hit the pentagon) and Flight 93 (which crashed near Shanksville).47 The time from scramble-to-intercept normally takes no more than about 10 minutes.
To remedy these problems, in July 2004 the 9/11 Commission introduced a third version of the story that put the blame even more emphatically on the FAA. The panel “corrected” the timeline, in effect, declaring that the FAA wasn’t merely late in making the hand-off, no, it failed altogether. This absolved the higher ups at NORAD and the pentagon of any serious negligence. The report mildly rebukes the military, but even this slap of the wrist is not aimed at the generals, but rather, at the scrambled fighter pilots, who, we are told, misunderstood their assignment, or somehow got their signals crossed.
The new version can be summed up as follows: NORAD couldn’t respond effectively on 9/11 because it had no warning that Flights 175, 77 and 93 had been hijacked. As for Flight 11, get a grip, because what I’m going to tell you is so bizarre you probably won’t believe it. Neither did it. But I am not pulling your leg. The panel’s new and revised timeline is supposedly based on a previously unknown transmission, found on the NORAD tapes. This transmission allegedly proves that in the one case where the FAA did alert NORAD, i.e., the case of Flight 11, the FAA got it wrong and passed incorrect information. This sent NORAD on a wild goose chase after a nonexistent plane. Someone at the FAA mistakenly concluded that Flight 11 was still in the air–––did not hit the WTC–––and was heading south toward Washington. Based on this false information, NORAD scrambled jets from Langley Air Force Base, near Hampton, Virginia, to intercept Flight 11, now deemed a threat to Washington. The fighters were armed, and the intercept was supposed to happen near Baltimore. This, we are told, explains why there were no fighters available to defend the nation’s capital when Flight 77 mysteriously appeared on the radar screens just six miles SW of Washington. By then, of course, it was too late. Oh, and by the way, when the error was finally discovered and the fighters were rerouted to the capital, the military learned, to everyone’s great surprise, that the jets were NOT were they were supposed to be, i.e., near Baltimore. No, they were out over the Atlantic Ocean flying in circles in a holding pattern, at least 150 miles from Washington.48 By the way, a similar mix-up occurred in the case of the fighters scrambled from Otis AFB on Cape Cod to defend New York City. Instead of patrolling the skies over Manhattan, they ended up in a holding pattern off Long Island, more than 115 miles away!49
This whopper is the third (and now official) version of events as presented in the 9/11 Commission Report. Unfortunately, since we have no assurance the NORAD tapes were vetted we can have no confidence in their authenticity, and, it follows, no confidence in this “corrected” story. Beyond this fundamental problem, the revised timeline is not credible for many reasons. For example, there is powerful evidence that the FAA never lost track of Flight 11 on the morning of September 11, 2001. According to multiple reports, air controllers tracked Flight 11 on radar all the way to the World Trade Center, and were well aware it had crashed.50 For example, Boston flight controller Mark Hodgkins later said, “I watched the target of American 11 the whole way down.”51 This flatly contradicts the official story.
The 9/11 report also fails to provide even one checkable source substantiating the existence of the phantom plane. The report claims that the story was corroborated “from taped conversations at FAA centers, contemporaneous logs compiled at NEADS [the Northeast sector of NORAD], Continental Region headquarters, and NORAD; and other records.”52 All of which sounds impressive, but where are these transcripts and records? They do not appear in the final report, nor have they been made public. Without a verifiable source, why should we believe the panel?
Moreover, after mentioning these sources the report immediately contradicts itself by conceding that it “was unable to find the source of this mistaken FAA information [that Flight 11 was still airborne]”53 No source? What then, are the alleged records cited above? The report never resolves this inconsistency. Worse, it contradicts itself again by admitting that the investigation was unable to find a single reference to the phantom plane in any “public timeline or statement issued by the FAA or Department of Defense.”54 These admissions do nothing to boost our confidence. On the contrary, they fuel our suspicions. Perhaps the phantom plane does not appear in any of the timelines for the simple reason that the story is a complete fabrication. Certainly the generals did not breathe one word about the phantom plane during their previous testimony before the 9/11 panel in May 2003. This would explain NORAD General Larry Arnold’s embarrassing moments before the panel in 2004, the day of his final appearance, when panel members had to coach him about the phantom plane to help him “remember.”55 No wonder the commissioners were shocked and outraged, as reported by the Washington Post, the story I cited above. Shock would certainly be my reaction if I learned that someone had deceived me. Of course, thanks to Phil Zelikow’s editing skills the final report makes no mention of any of this. Instead, we learn that NORAD’s earlier account was merely “incorrect.”56 In the absence of verifiable evidence, however, should we believe the report? I think not. In fact, there is every reason to suspect that Phillip Zelikow and his team participated in the deception.
Let us be very clear. The pentagon’s account was not merely “incorrect,” it was a lie. This was the conclusion of Senator Mark Dayton (D -MN), a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who after reading the just released 9/11 Commission Report accused the pentagon of the “most gross incompetence and dereliction of responsibility and negligence that I’ve ever witnessed in the public sector.” According to Dayton, the generals “lied to the American people, they lied to Congress, and they lied to your 9/11 Commission.”57 Of course, Sen. Dayton was laboring under the belief that the military lied to conceal its incompetence. But what if the motive was quite different? What if the generals lied to conceal their complicity in the 9/11 attack–––or their guilty role in staging it? That would explain their unreserved acceptance of the new timeline, as well as their previous “incorrect” testimony.
There is no doubt that the generals lied about Flight 93 when they insisted it crashed near Shanksville, PA, since overwhelming evidence indicates the US military shot down the plane. The official story is a eulogy for dead passengers who, we are told, bravely sacrificed their lives to save Washington. It all sounds so patriotic, but wait a moment. Have we forgotten our Greek drama and our Shakespeare? Effusive flattery and praise for murdered victims has long been a staple in high crimes involving treachery. (The king is dead. Long live the king!) Something about this threadbare tale is just not right. It stinks of self-serving artifice. It is also convincingly refuted by the pieces of Flight 93 that were found scattered over at least six square miles, and by the conspicuous absence of wreckage at the alleged crash site. And what of the dozens of local eyewitnesses who reported evidence of a midair explosion? Were they all high on psycho-tropic drugs? The plane was carrying bags of mail, which reportedly fell like confetti. David Ray Griffin has covered this body of evidence very thoroughly in his able study of the 9/11 report, and there is no need to review the details, here.58
The generals also lied about NORAD when they claimed that its mission was solely to defend against external threats. For which reason–––we were told–––NORAD was blind on 9/11. General Eberhart gave this lame excuse during his testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, and General Myers repeated it to the 9/11 Commission. On that occasion Myers said: “We were looking outward. We did not have the situational awareness inward because we did not have the radar coverage.”59 One of the 9/11 panel’s (few) finer moments occurred when member Jamie Gorelick rose to the occasion and challenged Myers on this point. Gorelick, a former counsel to the Department of Defense, correctly pointed out that the NORAD charter says no such thing. In fact, NORAD is charged with “control of the airspace above the domestic US” in addition to defending against external threats. Yet, incredibly, the final report obscures the significance of Gorelick’s important point, and meekly takes the general at his word.
The generals also lied when they claimed that NORAD could not track the hijacked planes on 9/11 after the transponders went off because of antiquated 1970-1980’s era radar equipment. Every member of the commission should have erupted with outrage at this brazen lie, since even during the Cold War NORAD’s primary radar was fully capable of tracking hundreds of planes or missiles simultaneously over the continental US.
The 9/11 panel should have vigorously pursued this vital question. But, once again, incredibly, they unreservedly accepted the pentagon’s explanation; and so does the final report.
The 9/11 commission reached its all time low, however, in its handling of the fiasco of the scrambled pilots. The report suggests that the lead pilot from Langley misunderstood his orders.60 The report contradicts itself, however, because another passage concedes that the pilot was never briefed. As the pilot himself explained: “I reverted to the Russian threat,” meaning that in the absence of an order he reverted to “plan B”, a default or backup order.61 This explains the holding pattern over the Atlantic Ocean. (Were the fighters from Otis flying in circles off Long Island for a similar reason?) But why would the panel fault the pilot? The issuance of orders is not the responsibility of the pilot, but the commanding officer. Evidently, the 9/11 panel members had never heard of a thing called the chain of command. Here was a golden opportunity to find the truth. The key to what happened on 9/11 lay within reach. All the panel had to do was interrogate the pilots closely and trace the orders (or lack of them) up the food chain. But where are the transcripts of these crucial interviews with the pilots? Conducted in private, they are conspicuously absent from the 9/11 report. Nor have they been made public. Why not? There can be only one reason: to shield the guilty, i.e., certain high-ranking officers, from scrutiny and accountability.
Incredibly, the report also faults the FAA for the botched scramble.62 This would pass the laugh test, were the matter not so grave, since we know that once the FAA makes a phone hand-off to NORAD in such cases, the responsibility for the intercept then rests with the military. In short, the fighters scrambled on 9/11 were under NORAD’s control, not the FAA’s. This statement in the report is sheer obfuscation, and, given the panel’s mandate “to provide the fullest possible account,” amounts to malfeasance. There’s no other word for it.
Of course, an evildoer familiar with NORAD’s radar system would have known its weaknesses, and how to exploit them. This might explain why honest technicians at NORAD were confused on September 11 by phony blips on their radar screens, blips generated as a result of military drills. We know that at least 10 and as many as 15 such exercises were underway on the morning of the attack.63 Fighters had been dispatched to northern Canada, to Iceland, and to North Carolina, sharply reducing the number available for scramble in the event of a real emergency. The 9/11 Commission Report mentions several of the drills, but studiously avoids delving into them. This is very strange, since at least one of the exercises involved crashing a hijacked plane into a building. The panel should have investigated the drills, and brought the facts to light, but it chose not to go there. More serious omissions.
The panel also failed to explain why fighters were not on highest alert at Andrews Air Force Base, located just 10 miles from the Capitol. The base has always been Washington’s port of exit/entry for US presidents and diplomats. Three squadrons of fighters are based at Andrews, and their role has always been to defend the nation’s capital. One of these squadrons even boasted on its web site that its mission was to “provide combat units in the highest possible state of readiness.”64 This particular squadron was away in North Carolina on 9/11, involved in a drill. But what about the other two? Inexplicably, the 9/11 panel failed to explore this question. Curiously, on September 12, 2001, the day after the attack, someone altered the squadron’s web site, amending the above-cited passage to reflect a lower state of readiness. Was this a blatant attempt to destroy evidence of a stand-down?65
The most compelling evidence of a stand-down, however, came to light quite unexpectedly during the 9/11 Commission hearings. Secretary of Transportation Norman Mineta told the panel how, at 9: 20 AM on September 11, he entered the command center located under the White House, where he joined Vice President Cheney, who was already present. A few minutes later Mineta overheard an exchange, but failed to comprehend its significance. On May 23, 2003 Mineta told the commission what happened:
MR. MINETA: There was a young man who had come in and said to the vice president, “The plane is 50 miles out. The plane is 30 miles out.” And when it got down to, “The plane is 10 miles out,” the young man also said to the vice president, “Do the orders still stand?” And the vice president turned and whipped his neck around and said, “Of course the orders still stand. Have you heard anything to the contrary?” Well, at the time I didn’t know what all that meant. And —
MR. HAMILTON: The flight you’re referring to is the —
MR. MINETA: The flight that came into the Pentagon.66
Mineta told the panel he believed the vice president had given an order to shoot down Flight 77. But, of course, this interpretation makes absolutely no sense. Given the context, plus the fact that the plane was not shot down, the exchange can only refer to a stand-down order. The technician was obviously tracking the incoming plane on radar. Notice, this means the presidential command center was equipped with a real-time radar link to the FAA and NORAD. This is not mere conjecture. The link was confirmed by Richard A. Clark, counterintelligence czar, in his book Against All Enemies.67 According to Clark the Secret Service was fully in the loop. So we see that Norman Mineta’s testimony flatly contradicts the official explanation that the pentagon was not informed about Flight 77. It also places Cheney at the center of everything, disputing the official story that the vice president did not arrive at the command center until much later. Obviously, the timeline presented in the 9/11 Commission Report is a fabrication designed to distance Cheney from events, hence, to absolve him of any responsibility. Not surprisingly, Mineta’s explosive testimony is nowhere to be found in the 9/11 report.
Controversy surrounds the attack on the pentagon, and for good reason, because of the anomalous nature of the evidence. Notably, the conspicuous absence of visible wreckage has led many to conclude that something other than a Boeing 757 hit the building. In the process of reviewing the case, however, I was surprised to discover that, contrary to what many people believe, some wreckage was indeed recovered, mainly from within the building. Several of these parts have been positively identified, and they appear to be a match for a Boeing 757.68 With regard to the crash, we now understand why the exterior windows near the impact zone did not shatter: because they were made of 2 inch-thick blast-resistant material.69 I suspect that the special design characteristics of the exterior blast wall in this hardened section of the building might similarly explain the small size of the entry hole. Of course, the debate on this will continue, as well it should. Many questions remain. I only hope, meanwhile, that our differences do not distract us from the big picture. It is quite possible that the government has withheld the security camera videos confiscated from the CITGO station on Washington Boulevard (across the street from the pentagon), from the roof of the nearby Sheraton Hotel, from the highway department, and from the pentagon itself, NOT because this footage would show a missile or a smaller plane, but for a very different reason. The videos might reveal that no pilot could possibly have flown the plane that hit the pentagon. In short, the footage may show that the steep banking turn made by Flight 77 exceeded the software limitations built-into Boeing 757 flight-controls. Which would be conclusive evidence that Flight 77 was being flown by remote control.
I will ask, again: Why was a military C-130H in the sky near the pentagon on 9/11? Was this transport plane in fact an airborne control center, outfitted with cameras and ROV hardware? And was it mere coincidence that the final tally of victims included a majority of the pentagon’s accounting staff? Or, do we discern here the faint but unmistakable imprint of a deliberate and cunning hand? Was the accounting office in the west wing sacrificed because its pecuniary staff were deemed nonessential, hence, expendable? What better way to scotch the DoD’s books than by targeting the number-crunchers, thereby mooting democratic oversight far into the future? That would imply a contempt for democratic principles and the separation of powers that is almost unspeakable.
This brings us, finally, to the coup de grace. On September 11, 2001 CNN Live reported a second large plane over Washington. It circled high above the White House. This report is very strange because, remember, we are talking about the most tightly restricted airspace on the planet. With a terrorist attack known to be in progress, the only planes that should have been on patrol over Washington were F-15 and F-16 fighters, for the purpose of defending the capital. In fact, fighters should have been ordered up from the first indication of a multiple hijacking. Yet, Washington lay completely exposed. Is it really believable that this was solely the result of bungling by the FAA? Or, that it happened because a lead pilot misunderstood his orders? The 9/11 commission should have thoroughly investigated this important sighting of a second large plane over Washington. But, of course, the panel did nothing of the kind. Yet another omission.
Why was this other plane circling above the White House? Was this another control center, awaiting the arrival of Flight 93 in order to guide it into the Capitol building? A guided crash would likely have killed many Congressmen (and Congresswomen) and Senators, crippling our government. Best-selling author Tom Clancy described such a scenario in a 1994 novel. In the story terrorists fly a radio-controlled plane into the Capitol. The following year, Senator Sam Nunn described this as “not farfetched” in an article featured on the cover of Time magazine.
Nunn had it exactly right. A strike on the Capitol would have plunged the US into the deepest Constitutional crisis in our history, and might well have occasioned the imposition of martial law. Was this the attacker’s ultimate objective, all along? In short, was the 9/11 attack a new kind of coup d’etat, as Webster Tarpley has suggested, for the purpose of abrogating the legal framework of our nation, i.e., the US Constitution? Such a thought is scary off the charts, but is entirely plausible. We would do well to ponder how close we may have come to such a nightmare.
Did the last part of the gambit fail only because of dumb luck? We know Flight 93 was delayed at Newark airport due to heavy runway traffic, and departed 42 minutes late. Did this unforeseen wrinkle compel the evildoers to scrub the last and most ambitious part of their plan? An unopposed “terrorist” crash so late in the morning would have been impossible to explain in terms of FAA incompetence or pilot error, and would have aroused immediate suspicion. Did someone give the order to shoot down Flight 93 for this reason? Something else might have gone wrong, as well. Perhaps the passengers did gain control of the cockpit in the final moments. Assuming that 9/11 was an inside job, they could not be allowed to survive. This would explain why the pentagon adamantly insists that the passengers themselves crashed Flight 93. The departure of Flight 77 from Dulles was also late, but only by 10 minutes, not late enough to abort the pentagon strike, but even so, late enough to threaten the cover story and expose the stand-down. This would explain the urgent need for the hastily revised second timeline announced on September 18, 2001, and, when that failed, the more calculated third rendition in the 9/11 report.
It’s understandable that many Americans deeply resist the scenario I have just described. Most have a difficult time wrapping their mind around something so big, so shocking, and so evil. To think that a group within our own government would do this to us is almost incomprehensible. But the most frightening thing of all is that it’s not only possible, it’s probable. Adolf Hitler well understood and was perfectly willing to exploit this Achilles heal of society. In Mein Kampf he wrote that “the broad mass of a nation….will more easily fall victim to a big lie than a small one.” How strange that a psychopath like Hitler saw so deeply into human nature. Are we not facing a similar phenomenon today in America? None of our countrymen were fooled by Bill Clinton’s trivial lie that he did not inhale a marijuana cigarette, or his denial of sex with Monica Lewinsky. Yet, most of us internalized a vastly bigger lie, without a second thought, the no less transparent 9/11 narrative. Human psychology has changed little. Must history now also repeat and disgorge itself upon us, indeed, on an even greater scale? If Americans fail to confront the truth about 9/11, what is to prevent it?
Our nation and the world will never be secure until the conspirators who staged the 9/11 attack are brought to justice. We must therefore insist that the Democratically controlled Congress immediately launch a new and truly independent 9/11 investigation, one that is non-partisan, adequately funded, and empowered with the authority to subpoena witnesses and evidence. The pentagon security videos and the black boxes, currently being withheld, may hold the answers.
If we have the courage to face the fact that our nation has descended into a swamp of corruption and evil, perhaps we can still salvage the future for ourselves and our children. We should draw strength from the knowledge that the 9/11 nightmare, bad as it was, might have been even worse. So long as freedom lives we can choose to be masters of our fate. In the coming days, let us choose well.
40 For the press release go to http://www.public-action.com/911/noradresponse/
41 The source here is the FAA’s Aeronautical Information Manual. Official Guide to Basic Flight Information and Air Traffic Control (ATC) Procedures, posted at www.faa.gov
42 AP report, August 13, 2002.
43 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 31.
44 The panel even admits this. The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 34.
45 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 27.
46 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 20 and 24.
47 Christian Science Monitor, September 13, 2001; ABC News, September 6, 2002; New York Times, September 13, 2001.
48 ABC News, September 6, 2002
49 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 34.
50 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 26.
51 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 34.
52 A verbatim transcript of his testimony may be found in David Ray Griffin, The 9/11 Commission Report: Omissions and Distortions, Olive Branch Press, pp. 196-198.
53 The word “incorrect” becomes a mantra. The 9/11 Commission Report, for instance p. 34.
54 Minneapolis Star-Tribune, July 30, 2004.
55 David Ray Griffin, The 9/11 Commission Report: Omissions and Distortions, Olive Branch Press, 2005, chapter 15, especially p. 252.
56 FDCH TRANSCRIPTS, Senate Armed Services Committee Holds Hearing on Role of Defense Department in Homeland Security Congressional Hearings, Oct. 25, 2001; National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the US, 12th Public Hearing, June 17, 2004, posted at www.9-11commission.gov/archive/hearing12/9-11Commission_Hearing_2004-06-17.htm
57 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 27.
58 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 45.
59 The report informs us of this fact in a passage so cryptic it remains unexplained to this day: “Third, the lead pilot and local FAA controller incorrectly assumed the flight plan instructions to go “090 for 60” superseded the original scramble order.” Whatever that means. The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 27.
60 Webster Griffin Tarpley gives the fullest account I have yet seen in the latest edition of his book 9/11 Synthetic Terrorism: Made in USA, progressive Press, 2006, see the preface and pp. 203-215.
61 cited in David Ray Griffin, The 9/11 Commission Report: Omissions and Distortions, Olive Branch Press, 2005, p. 163.
62 As far as I know, Michael Ruppert was the first to report this. See Michael Ruppert, “The Truth and Lies of 9/11” (video), http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/081606_burning_bridge.shtml
The military web sites have been archived at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/9-11backups/dcmilsep.htm and at
63 NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES, Public Hearing, Friday, May 23, 2003, posted at http://www.9-11commission.gov/archive/hearing2/9-11Commission_Hearing_2003-05-23.htm
64 Richard A. Clark, Against All Enemies, New York, The Free Press, 2004, p.7.
65 It was widely reported that the few pieces of wreckage recovered from the pentagon crash did not come from a Boeing 757. This was incorrect. The 9/11 truth movement needs to do a better job of researching evidence and following through. In fact, the Rolls Royce expert who reportedly disavowed the parts was not an engineer, but worked in public relations. Furthermore, he was employed at the Rolls Royce plant in Indianapolis, which makes a different engine. The 9/11 reporter who delve38d into this never received a confirmation, one way or the other, from the Derby facility, where Rolls Royce produces the 757 engine. Two internet web sites have posted detailed analyses of the parts recovered from the pentagon crash. I urge you to make up your own mind. http://www.pentagonresearch.com/757debris.html
66 Los Angeles Times, September 16, 2001.
67 Tarpley, 9/11 Synthetic Terrorism, p.125.
68 Newsweek, September 22, 2001.
69 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, chapter 10.
Will America Face the Truth About 9/11? Part I