Notwithstanding Gerhard Schroeder’s re-election as Prime Minister of Germany, the President of the United States has made it known that he still expects regime change.
Mr Schroeder does not possess weapons of mass destruction, nor is he threatening the economic welfare of the American people. His crime is much worse.
He has called into question the wisdom of invading a third world country to rid it of a local dictator known to be sitting on ten percent of the world’s oil reserves.
George W. Bush, whose grandfather Prescott Bush helped finance the Nazi war machine, accruing huge profits on the backs of dead and dying American servicemen, now implicitly considers it a monumental mistake for America to have parked tanks and cruise missiles on German soil to face off the threat from Soviet Russia.
On 1 October, Richard Perle, Chairman of the Pentagon’s Defence Policy
Board told the German Handelsblatt newspaper that Schroeder should resign from office because of his opposition to war in Iraq. His attack was the latest in a string of carefully weighed insinuations, and despite signs that Bush may eventually pick up the phone to congratulate Schroeder on his election victory it may not be the last.
A few days earlier National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice claimed that “an atmosphere has been created that is poisoned” and Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that relations between Germany and America were “poisonous.”
Although Schroeder maintained his opposition to “military adventurism” in the Gulf region for months before the election campaign got underway, the real controversy ignited following a 19 September statement made by Justice Minister Herta Daebler-Gmelin to the Schwaebisches Tagesblatt newspaper.
Voicing fears shared by millions of Europeans that the United States, which has now amassed a combined federal and state debt of over 14 trillion dollars, is contemplating military aggression to head off a catastrophic financial collapse, Frau Daebler-Gmelin said: “Bush wants to distract attention from his domestic problems. This is a popular method. Hitler also used it.”
The Bush Gang was quick to pounce. “How can you use the name Hitler and the name of the President of the United States in the same sentence?” asked Condoleezza Rice with trained incredulity. “Particularly, how can a German [make the comparison], given the devotion of the United States in the liberation of Germany from Hitler?”
Like most American and British establishment insiders, Rice is loathe to admit that Hitler’s rise to power was not financed by a people who were reduced to eating rats on account of sanctions and reparations imposed by the British Empire at the end of the First World War, but by American and British bankers under the sway of the Rothschild and Rockefeller dynasties who saw vast profits to be made in an orchestrated ‘clash of civilisations’ within the European theatre of operations.
As Antony C. Sutton elaborates in ‘Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler’, the leader of the Nazi Party was Wall Street’s man through and through – in the right place and at the right time.
America’s post-war relationship with Germany had an auspicious start, with the U.S. High Command turning a blind eye to ‘Operation Paperclip’, an illegal project by which American intelligence services repatriated outlawed German scientists to plush homes and choice jobs in the heart of America’s pre-nascent space programme.
Meanwhile the British Crown connived to place obstacles in the path of German re-industrialisation. Under the pretext of smashing German militarism once and for all, it looked to counter the threat posed to corrupt and mismanaged British imperial corporations by a resurgent manufacturing base that had always characterised competitive German products.
The British seized on the ‘Morgenthau Plan’, the brainchild of Henry Morgenthau, an industrialist of Jewish descent and the secretary to the US Treasury. In his tome ‘Germany is Our Problem’, he asserted that military aggression was an entrenched feature of the collective German psyche and, since the Germans could not be trusted or persuaded to ally themselves with Anglo-American interests, the only practical solution would be to de-industrialise the entire region and partition Germany into a geographical patchwork of disenfranchised mini-states. The British campaign to destroy Germany as an independent nation state won royal assent and was pursued vigorously by the rabidly anti-German Lord Vansittart, as evidenced in his book ‘The Black Record.’
Yet, it was not to be. America’s taste for military adventurism elsewhere, particularly in Korea, required skilled workers able to manufacture quality armaments on demand, and Germany’s mighty industrial machine was rebuilt from the ashes. Thus began the German-American love-fest.
Had the British ruling class prevailed in 1945, Germany would now be a third world agricultural society with no representation at the United Nations.
But America wanted lucrative markets for Coca-Cola, Big Pharma, Kentucky Fried Chicken and Marlboro cigarettes; and it demanded an efficient communications and transport infrastructure that would support anticipated military action against the Soviet Bloc. With the intensification of the Cold War, millions of Germans lived in the shadow of inter-ballistic weapons of mass destruction, resignedly accepting that their country would be the first to melt from the face of the globe in any hostile war with the Stalinist east.
However, despite heightened tensions throughout the Reagan years, when some members of the current American administration made their first serious bid to provoke a war of Armageddon, the German establishment, against its own better judgement, budged not one inch in its unwavering support for Washington.
But the world has changed. Anti-capitalist Stalinism was finally buried when the Berlin Wall came down, and American troops were relocated to prevent democratic nation-building in central America, secure and expand the world’s most lucrative supply lines for CIA drug runners, use Iraq as a vast proving ground for untested military technology and bomb Yugoslavia completely out of existence.
Yet, instead of recognising German pacifism as one of the few saving graces of the last century, the current administration in Washington, peopled as it is by intellectual pygmies, seeks to chastise a nation of over 80 million people for having elected the ‘wrong’ leader.
The audacity is breathtaking.
Michael James is a British freelance journalist and translator, resident in Germany for over 10 years.